Tagged: border violence

CalaisResearch: 40 entreprises qui profitent de l’expulsion de la Jungle et des violences aux frontières

combined-systems

La destruction de la jungle de Calais est sur le point de commencer, mais à qui profite cet acte brutal ? D’une part aux politiciens cyniques, qui lorgnent sur l’élection présidentielle de l’année prochaine, et tentent désespérément de s’accrocher au pouvoir en affichant une politique de fermeté. Mais cela va également augmenter les profits d’une armée d’entreprises privées qui fournissent balles en caoutchouc et fils barbelés, bulldozers et bus vers l’expulsion.

Calais Research Network, un groupe qui s’est formé au mois d’août, a dressé une liste élargie de plus de 40 entreprises qui profitent du régime frontalier. Ces entreprises ont un intérêt à développer la « sécurité » à Calais et au-delà, dans le cadre d’une industrie prospère qui touche aussi bien la privatisation du contrôle des camions que la fabrication de cartouches de gaz lacrymogènes, et que la construction des clôtures et murs qui prolifèrent sans cesse le long de l’autoroute.

La liste complète ainsi que les informations détaillées sur chaque entreprise peuvent être consultées sur le nouveau site internet de Calais Research Network. Cette liste d’entreprises est la première page publiée sur le site. Dans les jours à venir, d’autres pages seront ajoutées afin de cartographier les axes de pouvoir multiples qui façonnent la réalité de la frontière. On y retrouvera des informations complémentaires sur les décideur.euses qui se cachent derrière la sécurisation de Calais, ainsi que des recherches plus détaillées sur les entreprises principales dont Eurotunnel et Vinci.

Cette liste est loin d’être complète, et nous continuerons à la mettre à jour lorsque nous découvrirons plus d’informations. Si vous avez des informations au sujet de ces entreprises ou d’autres, veuillez nous les envoyer à calaisresearch@riseup.net. Votre anonymat sera entièrement respecté. Nous serions également intéressé.es d’entendre plus de rapports de corruption et de collaboration dans le milieu des ONG.

Liste initiale des entreprises qui profitent de la frontière à Calais:

Agents de Sécurité :

Eamus Cork Solutions (ECS): fouille du fret, rétention et « escorte » des prisonnier.es
Tascor: lieux de rétention et transport des personnes retenues
Biro Sécurité: Technologie biométrique et agents de sécurité dans le camp de containers et le Centre Jules Ferry
ATMG: Sécurité sur le site de construction du camp de containers
Mondial Protection: Sécurisation du port et du fret ferroviaire
Wagtail: chiens de détection aux frontières

Murs, Clôtures et Bâtiment:

Vinci, comprenant les filiales Sogea et Eurovia: destruction des camps, construction de murs, et pratiquement tout le reste…
Jackson’s Fencing: clôture de 2015
Zaun Ltd.: clôture pour l’OTAN en 2014
Groupe CW (Clôtures Michel Willoquaux): clôture du camp camp de containers en 2015
Logistic Solutions: containers pour le camp de containers

Technologie à la frontière:

L3 Communications: technologique radiographique et systèmes de scanner
Roke Manor Research / Chemring Group: PMMWI (Passive Millimeter-Wave Imaging) et scannage des véhicules
Thales: sécurité du port et drones
FLIR Systems: caméras thermiques
Smiths Detection: technologique radiographique
AMG Systems: technologie de vidéosurveillance pour Eurotunnel
Clearview Communications: vidéosurveillance pour Eurotunnel
Rapiscan Systems Ltd. / OSI Systems: technologie radiographique
Scan-X Security: technologie radiographique
Chess Dynamics: systèmes optiques diurnes et nocturnes pour les bateaux de la Border Force
SmartWitness: systèmes de surveillance pour camions à monter soi-même
VisionTrack: systèmes de surveillance pour camions à monter soi-même

Rétention et Expulsion:

Twin Jet: expulsions par charters

Services de soutien logistique aux policiers:

IBIS (Accor S.A.): hôtels de prédilection des CRS
Buzzlines Travel: transport en bus des officiers de la UK Border Force

Armes de la police:

SAE Alsetex: gaz lacrymogène
Etienne Lacroix: gaz lacrymogène
Nobel Sport: gaz lacrymogène, type le plus couramment utilisé dans la Jungle
SAPL: grenades de désencerclement
Verney-Carron: flashballs
Brügger & Thomet
Taser France
Marck
Combined Systems: gaz lacrymogène et fusils à balles en caoutchouc

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CalaisResearch: 40 companies profiting from the eviction and border violence

combined-systems

The eviction of the Calais jungle is about to begin, but who does this act of brutality serve? On the one hand, cynical politicians looking to the French presidential election next year, desperately trying to cling onto power with a show of toughness. But also, it will boost the profits of a host of private companies who supply the rubber bullets and barbed wire, bulldozers and deportation buses.

Calais Research Network, a research group formed this August, has compiled an expanded list of over 40 companies profiting from the border regime. These companies have an interest in building up ‘security’ in Calais and beyond, part of a flourishing industry surrounding everything from the privatization of lorry inspections to the manufacturing of tear gas canisters and the constantly proliferating fences and walls along the highway.

The full list with detailed information on each company can be viewed on the new Calais Research website. This companies list is the first page to be published on the site. In the coming days further pages will be added to map out some of the many axes of power that shape the reality of the border, including further information on the decision-makers behind the securitisation of Calais, and more detailed investigations of key companies including Eurotunnel and Vinci.

This list is still far from complete, and we will continue to update it as we uncover more information. If you have any information on these companies or others, please send it to us at calaisresearch(at)riseup.net. Your confidentiality will be fully respected. We would also be interested to hear more accounts of corruption and collaboration in the NGO sector.

Initial list of Calais border profiteers:

Security Guards:

Eamus Cork Solutions (ECS): freight searching, detention and prisoner
‘escorting’
Tascor: holding facilities and detainee transport
Biro Sécurité: biometric technology and security guards in the
“Container Camp” and Jules Ferry Centre
ATMG: Security on the container camp construction site
Mondial Protection: port and rail freight security
Wagtail: Border detection dogs

Walls, Fences, and Construction:

Vinci, including subsidiaries Sogea and Eurovia: camp demolitions,
wall construction, and just about everything else …
Jackson’s Fencing: 2015 fence
Zaun Ltd.: 2014 NATO fence
Groupe CW (Clôtures Michel Willoquaux): container camp fences 2015
Logistic Solutions: containers for the Container Camp

Border Technology:

L3 Communications: X-Ray Scanning Equipment
Roke Manor Research / Chemring Group: PMMWI (Passive Millimeter-Wave
Imaging) and Vehicle Scanning
Thales: port security and drones
FLIR Systems: thermal cameras
Smiths Detection: X-Ray technology
AMG Systems: CCTV technology for Eurotunnel
Clearview Communications: Eurotunnel CCTV
Rapiscan Systems Ltd. / OSI Systems: X-Ray Technology
Scan-X Security: X-Ray Technology
Chess Dynamics: day/night vision systems for Border Force boats
SmartWitness: DIY truck security systems
VisionTrack: DIY truck security systems

Deportation and Detention:

Twin Jet: deportation jet charter

Police support services:

IBIS (Accor S.A.): hotel of choice for the CRS riot police
Buzzlines Travel: bus transport of UK Border Force officers

Police weapons:

SAE Alsetex: teargas
Etienne Lacroix: teargas
Nobel Sport: teargas, most common variety used in the Jungle
SAPL: stun grenades
Verney-Carron: flashballs
Brügger & Thomet
Taser France
Marck
Combined Systems: teargas and rubber bullet guns

Le Home Office (ministère de l’intérieur britannique) annonce tranquillement la privatisation à hauteur de £80 million de la sécurité des frontières à Calais

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Pendant que les plans du Royaume-Uni pour le « Super Mur de Calais » font la une, une plus importante affaire de sécurité à Calais s’est traitée silencieusement et sans être remarquée : la privatisation à hauteur de £80 million d’une bonne partie de la sécurité des frontières dans le Nord de la France.
Sans tambour ni trompettes, le Home Office a fait paraître une annonce sur le site européen public « TED » le 9 Juillet 2016 [ http://ted.europa.eu/udl?uri=TED:NOTICE:241269-2016:TEXT:EN:HTML&src=0 ]. C’était un appel d’offres pour un contrat estimé à £80 million afin de pourvoir des postes pour « 40 agents de fouille assermentés, 24 heures par jour, 365 jours par an » pour la société Eurotunnel et pour les ports de Calais et Dunkerque. Trois des personnels en service doivent aussi être qualifiés comme « agents de surveillance de détenus », responsables de détenir, dans les aménagements du Home Office présents dans les ports, les migrants arrêtés avant qu’ils soient livrés à la police aux frontières française.

C’est déjà de loin le plus gros contrat de sécurité privée annoncé pour Calais. Cela annonce aussi une privatisation de masse de la sécurité des frontières : ces emplois sont actuellement tenus par des agents de la Border Force du Home Office. Il existe une exception pour les aménagements de détention de l’Eurotunnel et de Dunkerque. C’est déjà sous-traité à Tascor, une filiale de Capita, étant une partie d’un autre énorme contrat de sécurité aux frontières pour toutes les « escortes » des déportations et les aménagements de détention à court terme. Un nouvel appel d’offres est actuellement aussi en cours pour ce contrat. Le Home Office a aussi de plus petits contrats privés à Calais pour la sécurité comme les maîtres-chiens, contrat gagné par une entreprise dénommée Wagtail, et avec l’entreprise de sécurité EDS Cork à Dunkerque.

La date limite des candidatures pour le nouveau contrat, gigantesque celui-là, a expiré le 18 Août. Il n’y a pas eu d’annonce pour l’instant sur qui remporte le jackpot de la garde des frontières. A côté de Tascor, les autres fournisseurs privilégiés du Home Office incluent G4S, Seco, Mitie et GEO, qui gèrent tous des centres de détention sur le territoire du Royaume-Uni.

En détails, le contrat comprend :

« Fouille de véhicules (de fret et de tourisme), fouille de personnes, détention et services d’escorte. Il est demandé au fournisseur de prévoir des équipes d’agents de fouille assermentés qui : fouilleront les véhicules en utilisant la technologie de détection ou en travaillant en collaboration avec un autre fournisseur contracté pour fournir des équipes de chiens de détection ; et des fonctions d’escorte qui peuvent requérir la détention d’un individu, pour une période qui est aussi courte que raisonnablement nécessaire et qui n’excède pas 3 heures, en attendant l’arrivée d’un agent de la Border Force ou toute autre autorité à qui l’individu doit être livré. »

Voici quelques unes des plus importantes annonces de financement au sujet de la “sécurité” de Calais au cours des dernières années, dont la somme n’atteint pas 80 millions de livres mais qui permettent de contextualiser celle dont il est question ici :

Home Office quietly advertises £80 million privatisation of Calais border security

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While the UK’s plans for the “Great Wall of Calais” hit headlines, an even bigger Calais security deal has gone quietly unnoticed: an £80 million privatisation of much of the border security in Northern France.

Without any fanfare from the Home Office, an advertisement appeared on the European public tender website “TED” on 9 July.1 It requested companies to bid for an estimated £80 million contract to provide “40 Authorised Search Officers, 24 hours per day, 365 days per year” for the Eurotunnel, Calais and Dunkerque ports. Three of the staff on duty must also be trained as “detainee custody officers”, responsible for holding arrested migrants in the Home Office’s detention facilities at the ports before they are handed over to French border police.

This is by far the biggest private security contract yet announced for Calais. It also signals a massive privatisation of border security: these jobs are currently done by Home Office Border Force officers. The exception is management of the detention “holding facilities” at the Eurotunnel and Dunkerque. This is already outsourced to Tascor, a Capita subsidiary, as part of another mammoth border security contract for all deportation “escorting” and short term detention facilities. That contract is also currently up for re-tender. The Home Office also has smaller private contracts in Calais for security dog handlers, won by a company called Wagtail, and with security company EDS Cork in Dunkerque.

The deadline for applications for the new mega contract has now expired, on 18 August. There hasn’t yet been an announcement about who hit the border guard jackpot. Besides Tascor, other favoured Home Office contractors include G4S, Serco, Mitie and GEO, who all run detention centres on the UK mainland.

In more detail, the contract includes:

“vehicle searching (freight and tourist vehicles), searching of persons, detention and escorting services. The Contractor is required to provide teams of Authorised Search Officers who will: search vehicles by using detection technology or by working collaboratively with another Contractor contracted to provide detection dog teams; and escorting functions which may require the detention of an individual, for a period which is as short as is reasonably necessary and which does not exceed 3 hours, pending the arrival of a Border Force Officer or other authority to whom the individual is to be delivered.”

To put this deal into context, here are some of the largest previous funding announcements about “security” in Calais in the past years, which don’t reach £80 million between them:

  • 2014: European Commission grants €3.8 million in “emergency funding” to co-finance the creation of the “Jules Ferry” day centre2
  • September 2014: £12m / €15m Joint Fund is established by Bernard Cazenueve and Theresa May 3
  • July 2015: UK announces £2m for a “secure zone” in Calais for UK-bound lorries, and £7m for other security measures. 4
  • March 2015: UK applies to the EC’s AMIF for €27 million in migration-related funds, which it receives a few months later. France also receives €20 million from the fund in August 2015.) 5
  • August 2015: “Managing Migratory Flows in Calais” Joint Declaration: UK pledged to pay £3.5m (€5 million) per year over two years towards the measures in the deal in addition to money previously pledged. Statement explains there will be an extra 500 police from the UK and France, as well as additional freight search teams, dogs and UK-funded deportation flights.6
  • 31 August 2015: European Commission announces €5.2 million in “emergency assistance” to set up area around Jules-Ferry and to fund the “transport” of refugees and migrants from Calais to other locations in France.7
  • March 2016: France-UK Summit releases £17 million / €22 million for Calais security (and €2 billion for drones globally). 8

the Calais Research Network

1 http://ted.europa.eu/udl?uri=TED:NOTICE:241269-2016:TEXT:EN:HTML&src=0
2 Mentioned here: ec.europa.eu/dgs/home-affairs/what-is-n…
3 Some break down of how this was spent is provided here: www.whatdotheyknow.com/request/253987/r…
4 www.bbc.com/news/uk-33992952
5 Calais doesn’t seem to have been the main focus in the use of these funds, however. They have been used primarily for deportations in the UK: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/542335/AMIF_Project_List_July_2016.pdf
6 www.bbc.com/news/uk-33992952
7 ec.europa.eu/dgs/home-affairs/what-is-n…
8 www.france24.com/en/20160303-hollande-c…

Fuel

How to (nearly) incite a riot: Lessons from the French police in the Jungle

 

On Tuesday the Calais police made a dangerous move to fuel violence in an already-tense moment in the Jungle. If violence erupts, the state will have the blood on their hands. For now, the communities in the Jungle have refused to rise to the bait.

On Monday night, conflict broke out on the motorway near Marck, between predominantly Afghan and Sudanese groups attempting to make the crossing to the UK. The police were called in with water cannons to disperse the crowd. In the course of the evening, 15 Sudanese were hospitalised and one was killed. The exact circumstances surrounding his death remain unclear.
On Tuesday, a gang of at least 20 cops – some CRS, some Police Judiciare – entered the Jungle at approximately 6pm. They marched to the intersection on the main road where the Sudanese and Afghan neighbourhoods meet, held formation, weapons ready, and seemed to post a single photo on the wall of a building.
The photo was apparently a close-up image of the man who had been killed the night before. Dead.
The police stood in formation and watched, with one filming those passing by. They then marched through the Jungle, concealing themselves in the La Vie Active container park, surrounded by fences and private security. Before leaving, one of the Policia Judiciare, having his unmarked car filmed by an activist, physically grabbed and threatened the activist, while a colleague threateningly told them to ‘Take care.’
Once the police were gone, tensions began to rise. The conversations spread throughout the Jungle like wildfire. The usual groups of twos and threes on the main road were replaced by bigger groups – five, ten, fifteen, mostly divided by nationality.
The outrage in the Sudanese quarter was palpable. One of their brothers had been killed the night before, and the police had piled insult and disrespect onto the tragedy, by photographing the deceased and then posting the photo in the middle of a public place, like a looming threat or a game trophy to be paraded through the streets.
Africans of different nationalities began to group together and Afghans with cricket bats, pipes and planks of wood began to fill the streets, milling about, as tensions rose.
Remarkably, the afternoon ended in relative calm, though the possibility of violence has far from gone. Several reports have said that community leaders managed to defuse tensions before they erupted into serious violence. While the ongoing tensions between different communities in the Jungle are constantly exacerbated by the state, via evictions and the resulting overcrowding, the police intervention surrounding this murder seemed deeply irresponsible at best, and outright criminal at worst.
Whatever the circumstances surrounding this man’s death, to post a photo of a dead body in a public place, at the geographic juncture between the two primary communities involved, is an insult to the deceased and to the community. It is also an incitement to violence.
Like spreading rumours to stoke existing tensions, the police’s move appears to have been aimed at inciting violence in the Jungle, as happened in February. After the photo posting, they left and were not to be seen. They chucked a match into the petrol and then walked away.
The lack of violence following the death of the Sudanese man and the following instigations by the police, is a testament to a collective maturity winning out in the Jungle under massively unfavourable circumstances. The actions of the police provided more than the kindling, but also the spark for a wildfire that very nearly was. Even before the police arrived, violence between communities was a very-real possibility; after their intervention, it seemed almost inevitable. Yet the moment passed.
Of course, the police will deny any ill-intent, and argue that they were simply investigating the death of the night before and searching for witnesses or new information. But such tactics must not be allowed to pass unnoticed. The police and the prefecture know that clearing the Jungle faces many obstacles, from both the people living there, as well as the political fall-out of the heavy-handed action that a major eviction would inevitably require.
If the boiling anger of 9,000 people living in often-subhuman conditions can be used as a tool to either destroy parts of the Jungle itself (through riots and arson, etc), or as a pretext for escalating police violence, then the police will surely do their best to exploit and encourage this anger. Which is what they did on Tuesday.
What may appear one of the cops’ more innocuous interventions into the Jungle on Tuesday, very nearly became one of their most-destructive. So far, the levee has held against immense odds, but if it breaks, the state will have blood on its hands.

Traffic Gas

Yesterday, around 5 PM, a group of migrants from the jungle managed to
cross the fence towards the port of Calais. The French riot police tried
to stop them using tear gas. The police kept shooting tear gas grenades
against the migrants who tried to reach the fence which protects the
road leading to the port. Soon, the police started shooting at a longer
range, hitting indiscriminately the people in the streets of the jungle.
One person was wounded, probably because he was hit by one of the grenades.

The shooting kept going until well past 6 PM.

There were again traffic jams this morning and this afternoon in the jungle. Once again the police arrived with excessive force, using gas and the water-cannon.


Hier, autour de 17h, un groupe de migrants partis de la jungle ont
réussi à franchir le grillage en direction du port de Calais. Les CRS
ont essayé de les stopper en utilisant des grenades lacrymogènes. Les
policiers ont continué à lancer des lacrymogènes sur les migrants qui
cherchaient à atteindre le grillage qui protège la route qui conduit au
port. Peu après, les CRS ont commencé à lancer à plus grande distance,
en frappant sans distinction dans les rues de la jungle. Une personne a
été blessée, probablement touchée par l’une des grenades.

Le lancement a continué jusqu’à après 18h.

Il y as eu de nouveau des bouchons ce matin et cette après-midi près de la jungle. De nouveau la police est arrivée en faisant un usage excessif de la force en usant du gaz et le canon à eau.

 

CALL OUT FOR SOLIDARITY! Court Case for the occupation of the ‘Spirit of Britain’

On Monday 22nd February at 13:30 8 people will stand in court in Boulogne-Sur-Mer facing trial for occupying the ‘Spirit of Britain’ ferry on Saturday 23rd of January. Six of the defendants are people without papers from Afghanistan, Sudan and Syria, all currently living in the jungle. They are charged for ‘breaching the transport code’, which in this instance involves entering and occupying a ferry without authorisation. Standing on trial alongside these six will be two French people with papers. They face the same charges for breaching the transport code, as well as a further charge of facilitating entry to the port and ferry. The maximum sentence for these offences is up to 6 months in prison or a €3,500 fine per person.

The two people with papers have been released on bail whist awaiting trial. The six without papers were held in detention and have since been sent to Longeunesse prison in Saint-Omer. Regardless of the outcome of the trial, the future for the people without papers is not clear. We do not know if they will be released free or if they will be sent to a detention centre, possibly resulting in them being deported back to the war torn countries that they are fleeing from.

This is a call out inviting people to come and show support to those facing trial. We ask for people to come and stand with us in solidarity with those facing oppression and sanctions as a result of resisting the border. We are in the process of organising transport for those without papers in the jungle who wish to be present at the trial, and encourage anyone else who has access to a vehicle to offer the same.

The French government wishes to make an example of these 8 people – fight the border and pay the price. We wish to make a stand against this. We will always be against the border. We will always fight for the right to freedom of movement. Come to the court at Place de la Résistance in Boulogne and stand with us, and with our friends facing trial.